DE IMPERATORIBUS ROMANIS

An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers

DIR Atlas

Vitellius (69 A.D.)

[Additional entry on this emperor’s life is available in DIR Archives]

John Donahue

College of William and Mary

Abb.: http://www.roman-emperors.org/Vitel.jpg

It is often difficult to separate fact from fiction in assessing the life and reign of Vitellius. Maligned in the ancient sources as gluttonous and cruel, he was also a victim of a hostile biographical tradition established in the regime of the Flavians who had overthrown him. Nevertheless, his decision to march against Rome in 69 was pivotal, since his subsequent defeat signalled the end of military anarchy and the beginning of an extended period of political stability under Vespasian and his successors.

Early Life and Career

Aulus Vitellius was born in September, 15 AD, the son of Lucius Vitellius and his wife Sestilia.[[1]] One of the most successful public figures of the Julio-Claudian period, Lucius Vitellius was a three-time consul and a fellow censor with the emperor Claudius. Aulus seems to have moved with equal ease in aristocratic circles, successively winning the attention of the emperors Gaius, Claudius, and Nero through flattery and political skill.[[2]]

Among his attested public offices, Vitellius was a curator of public works, a senatorial post concerned with the maintenance and repair of public buildings in Rome, and he was also proconsul of North Africa, where he served as a deputy to his brother, perhaps about 55 A. D. In addition, he held at least two priesthoods, the first as a member of the Arval Brethren, in whose rituals he participated from 57 A.D., and the second, as one of the quindecemviri sacris faciundis, a sacred college famous for its feasts.[[3]]

With respect to marriage and family, Vitellius first wed a certain Petroniana, the daughter of a consul, sometime in the early to mid thirties A.D. The union produced a son, Petronianus, allegedly blind in one eye and emancipated from his father’s control as a result of being named his mother’s heir. Tradition records that Vitellius killed the boy shortly after emancipation amid charges of parricide; the marriage soon ended in divorce. A second marriage, to Galeria Fundana, daughter of an ex-praetor, was more stable than the first. It produced another son, who was eventually killed by the Flavians after the overthrow of Vitellius, as well as a daughter. Galeria is praised by Tacitus for her good qualities, and in the end it was she who saw to Vitellius‘ burial.[[4]]

Rise to Power and Emperorship

Without doubt, the most fortuitous moment in Vitellius‘ political career was his appointment as governor of Lower Germany by the emperor Galba late in 68. The decision seemed to have caught everybody by surprise, including Vitellius himself, who, according to Suetonius, was in straitened circumstances at the time.[[5]] The choice may have been made to reduce the possibility of rebellion by the Rhine armies, disaffected by Galba’s refusal to reward them for their part in suppressing the earlier uprising of Julius Vindex. Ironically, it was Vitellius‘ lack of military achievement and his reputation for gambling and gluttony that may have also figured in his selection. Galba perhaps calculated that a man with little military experience who could now plunder a province to satisfy his own stomach would never become disloyal.[[6]] If so, it was a critical misjudgement by the emperor.

The rebellion began on January 1, 69, when the legions of Upper Germany refused to renew their oath of allegiance to Galba. On January 2, Vitellius‘ own men, having heard of the previous day’s events, saluted him as emperor at the instigation of the legionary legate Fabius Valens and his colleagues. Soon, in addition to the seven legions that Vitellius now had at his command in both Germanies, the forces in Gaul, Britain, and Raetia also came over to his side.[[7]] Perhaps aware of his military inexperience, Vitellius did not immediately march on Rome himself. Instead, the advance was led by Valens and another legionary general, Aulus Caecina Alienus, with each man commanding a separate column. Vitellius would remain behind to mobilize a reserve force and follow later.

Caecina was already one hundred fifty miles on his way when news reached him that Galba had been overthrown and Otho had taken his place as emperor. Undeterred, he passed rapidly down the eastern borders of Gaul; Valens followed a more westerly route, quelling a mutiny along the way. By March both armies had successfully crossed the Alps and joined at Cremona, just north of the Po. Here they launced their Batavian auxiliaries against Otho’s troops and routed them in the First Battle of Bedriacum. Otho killed himself on April 16, and three days later the soldiers in Rome swore their allegience to Vitellius. The senate too hailed him as emperor.

When Vitellius learned of these developments, he set out to Rome from Gaul. By all accounts the journey was a drunken feast marked by the lack of discipline of both the troops and the imperial entourage. Along the way he stopped at Lugdunum to present his six-year-old son Germanicus to the legions as his eventual successor. Later, at Cremona, Vitellius witnessed the corpse-filled battlefield of Otho’s recent defeat with joy, unmoved by so many citizens denied a proper burial.[[8]]

The emperor entered Rome in late June-early July.[[9]] Conscious of making a break with the Julio-Claudian past, Vitellius was reluctant to assume the traditional titles of the princeps, even though he enthusiastically made offerings to Nero and declared himself consul for life. To his credit, Vitellius did seem to show a measure of moderation in the transition to the principate. He assumed his powers gradually and was generally lenient to Otho’s supporters, even pardoning Otho’s brother Salvius Titianus, who had played a key role in the earlier regime. In addition, he participated in Senate meetings and continued the practice of providing entertainments for the Roman masses. An important practical change involved the awarding of posts customarily held by freedmen to equites, an indication of the growth of the imperial bureaucracy and its attractiveness to men of ambition.[[10]]

In other matters, he replaced the existing praetorian guard and urban cohorts with sixteen praetorian cohorts and four urban units, all comprised of soldiers from the German armies. According to Tacitus, the decision prompted a mad scramble, with the men, and not their officers, choosing the branch of service that they preferred. [[11]] The situation was clearly unsatisfactory but not surprising, given that Vitellius was a creation of his own troops. To secure his position further, he sent back to their old postings the legions that had fought for Otho, or he reassigned them to distant provinces. Yet discontent remained: the troops who had been defeated or betrayed at Bedriacum remained bitter, and detachments of three Moesian legions called upon by Otho were returned to their bases, having agitated against Vitellius at Aquileia.

Flavian Revolt

The Vitellian era at Rome was short-lived. By mid-July news had arrived that the legions of Egypt under Tiberius Julius Alexander had sworn allegiance to a rival emperor, Titus Flavius Vespasianus, the governor of Judaea and a successful and popular general. Vespasian was to hold Egypt while his colleague Mucianus, governor of Syria, was to invade Italy. Before the plan could be enacted, however, the Danube legions, former supporters of Otho, joined Vespasian’s cause. Under the leadership of Antonius Primus, commander of the Sixth legion in Pannonia, and Cornelius Fuscus, imperial procurator in Illyricum, the legions made a rapid descent on Italy.

Although his forces were only half of what Vitellius commanded in Italy, Primus struck first before the emperor could muster additional reinforcements from Germany. To make matters worse for the Vitellians, Valens was ill, and Caecina, now consul, had begun collaborating with the Flavians. His troops refused to follow his lead, however, and arrested him at Hostilia near Cremona. They then joined the rest of the Vitellian forces trying to hold the Po River. With Vitellius still in Rome and his forces virtually leaderless, the two sides met in October in the Second Battle of Bedriacum. The emperor’s troops were soundly defeated and Cremona was brutally sacked by the victors. In addition, Valens, whose health had recovered, was captured while raising an army for Vitellius in Gaul and Germany; he was eventually executed.

Meanwhile, Primus continued towards Rome. Vitellius made a weak attempt to thwart the advance at the Apennine passes, but his forces switched to the Flavian side without a fight at Narnia in mid-December. At Rome, matters were no better. Vespasian’s elder brother, Titus Flavius Sabinus, the city prefect, was successful in an effort to convince Vitellius to abdicate but was frustrated by the mob in Rome and the emperor’s soldiers. Forced to flee to the Capitol, Sabinus was set upon by Vitellius‘ German troops and soon killed, with the venerable Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus set ablaze in the process.[[12]] Within two days, the Flavian army fought its way into Rome. In a pathetic final move, Vitellius disguised himself in dirty clothing and hid in the imperial doorkeeper’s quarters, leaning a couch and a mattress against the door for protection. Dragged from his hiding place by the Flavian forces, he was hauled off half-naked to the Forum, where he was tortured, killed, and tossed into the Tiber. The principate could now pass to Vespasian.

Assessment

Vitellius has not escaped the hostility of his biographers. While he may well have been gluttonous, his depiction as indolent, cruel, and extravagant is based almost entirely on the propaganda of his enemies. On the other hand, whatever moderating tendencies he did show were overshadowed by his clear lack of military expertise, a deficiency that forced him to rely in critical situations on largely inneffective lieutenants. As a result he was no match for his Flavian successors, and his humiliating demise was perfectly in keeping with the overall failure of his reign.

Bibliography:

Bowman, Alan K. et al. The Cambridge Ancient History, X: The Augustan Empire. 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1996).

Chilver, G. E. F. A Historical Commentary on Tacitus‘ Histories I and II. (Oxford, 1979).

________. „The War between Otho and Vitellius and the North Italian Towns.“ CSDIR 3 (1970-71): 101-114.

Coale, A. J. Jr., „Vitellius Imperator: A Study in the Literary and Numismatic Sources for the Rebellion and Rule of the Emperor Vitellius, A.D. 69,“ Diss. Michigan, 1971.

Engel, R. „Das Charakterbild des Kaisers A. Vitellius bei Tacitus und sein historischer Kern.“ Athenaeum 55 (1977): 345-368.

Funari, Rodolfo. „Degradazione morale e luxuria nell‘ esercito di Vitellio (Tacito, Hist. II): modelli e sviluppi narrativi.“ Athenaeum 80 (1992): 133-157.

Hanslik, R. „Vitellius“ no. 7b Real-Encyclopädie Supp. IX (1962): 1706-1733.

Keitel, Elizabeth. „Foedum spectaculum and related motifs in Tacitus Histories II-III.“ RhM 135 (1992): 342-351.

Murison, Charles L. Galba, Otho and Vitellius: Careers and Controversies. (Hildesheim, 1993).

________. „Tiberius, Vitellius and the spintriae.“ AHB 1 (1987): 97-99.

________. „Some Vitellian Dates. An Exercise in Methodology.“ TAPA 109 (1979): 187-197.

Moog, F. P. „The Smell of Victory: Vitellius at Bedriacum: (Tac. Hist. 2.70).“ CPh 87 (1992): 14-29.

Perkins, Caroline A. „Vitellius the spectaculum: A Note on Histories 3.84.5.“ CB 66 (1990): 47-49.

Suetonius. Galba, Otho, Vitellius. edited with introduction and notes by Charles L. Murison. (London, 1992).

Syme, R. Tacitus. (Oxford, 1958).

________. „The March of Mucianus.“ Antichthon 11 (1977): 78-92.

Townsend, G. B. „Cluvius Rufus in the Histories of Tacitus.“ AJPhil 85 (1964): 337-377.

Wellesley, Kenneth. The Long Year A. D. 69. 2nd. ed. (London, 1989).

Notes

[[1]] Suetonius offers September 7 and 24 as possible dates for Vitellius‘ birth. For an argument in favor of the earlier date, see Suetonius: Galba, Otho, Vitellius, ed. with notes by Charles L. Murison (Bristol, 1992), 141.

[[2]] On Vitellius as a flatterer, see Suet. Vit. 4.

[[3]] For the sole mention of these honores and sacerdotia, see Suet. Vit. 5.

[[4]] For more on Vitellius‘ wives and children, see Charles L. Murison, Galba, Otho and Vitellius: Careers And Controversies (Hildesheim, 1993), 150-155.

[[5]] Suet. Vit. 7.2.

[[6]] Ibid., 7.1.

[[7]] The spontaneous nature of these actions as depicted by Suetonius is highly questionable. The revolt was likely well planned in advance. See Charles L. Murison, „Some Vitellian Dates. An Exercise in Methodology,“ TAPA 109 (1979): 188-194.

[[8]] On Vitellius at Lugdunum, see Tac. Hist. 2.59.2-3; at Cremona, see Hist. 2.70. See also Murison, Careers and Controversies, 142-149; F. P. Moog, „The Smell of Victory: Vitellius at Bedriacum: (Tac. Hist. 2.70),“ CPh 87 (1992): 14-29.

[[9]] The date cannot be known with certainty. See further, A. J. Coale, Jr., TAPA 102 (1971): 49-58; C. L. Murison, „Some Vitellian Dates,“ 194-197.

[[10]] On this innovation, see Tac. Hist. 1.58.1.

[[11]] Tac. Hist. 2.93.2, 2.94.1.

[[12]] Responsibility for the temple burning is a vexed issue. Tacitus (Hist. 3.71.4) offers the most careful and thoughtful account. See also T. P. Wiseman, „Flavians on the Capitol,“ AJAH 3 (1978): 163-178; K. Wellesley, „What Happened on the Capitol in December AD 69?“ AJAH 6 (1981): 166-190; R. T. Scott, „A Note on the City and the Camp in Tacitus, Histories 3.71″ AJAH 9 (1984): 109-111.

Copyright (C) 1999, John Donahue. This file may be copied on the condition that the entire contents, including the header and this copyright notice, remain intact.

Comments to: John Donahue.

Updated:3 September 1999

DE IMPERATORIBUS ROMANIS

An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers

DIR Atlas

Otho (69 A.D.)

[Additional entry on this emperor’s life is available in DIR Archives]

John Donahue

College of William and Mary

Abb.: http://www.roman-emperors.org/otho.jpg

Introduction

In January 69 Otho led a successful coup to overthrow the emperor Galba. Upon advancing to the throne, he hoped to conciliate his adversaries and restore political stability to the Empire. These ambitions were never to be realized. Instead, our sources portray a leader never fully able to win political confidence at Rome or to overcome military anarchy abroad. As a result, he was defeated in battle by the forces of Vitellius, his successor, and took his own life at the conclusion of the conflict. His principate lasted only eight weeks.[[1]]

Early Life and Career

Marcus Salvius Otho was born at Ferentium on 28 April 32 A. D. His grandfather, also named Marcus Salvius Otho, was a senator who did not advance beyond the rank of praetor. Lucius Otho, his father, was consul in 33 and a trusted administrator under the emperors Tiberius, Gaius and Claudius. His mother, Albia Terentia, was likely to have been nobly born as well. The cognomen „Otho“ was Etruscan in origin, and the fact that it can be traced to three successive generations of this family perhaps reflects a desire to maintain a part of the Etruscan tradition that formed the family’s background.[[2]]

Otho is recorded as being extravagant and wild as a youth – a favorite pastime involved roving about at night to snare drunkards in a blanket. Such behavior earned floggings from his father, whose frequent absences from home on imperial business suggest little in the way of a stabilizing parental influence in Otho’s formative years. These traits apparently persisted: Suetonius records that Otho and Nero became close friends because of the similarity of their characters; and Plutarch relates that the young man was so extravagant that he sometimes chided Nero about his meanness, and even outdid the emperor in reckless spending.[[3]]

Most intriguing in this context is Otho’s involvement with Nero’s mistress, Poppaea Sabina, the greatest beauty of her day.[[4]] A relationship between the two is widely cited in the ancient sources, but the story differs in essential details from one account to the next. As a result, it is impossible to establish who seduced whom, whether Otho ever married Poppaea, and whether his posting to Lusitania by Nero should be understood as a „banishment“ for his part in this affair. About the only reliable detail to emerge is that Otho did indeed become governor of Lusitania in 59, and that he assumed the post as a quaestor, a rank below that of praetor or consul, the minimum usually required for the office.[[5]] From here he would launch his initial thrust towards the imperial throne.

Overthrow of Galba

Nero’s suicide in June 68 marked the end of the Julio-Claudian dynasty and opened up the principate to the prerogatives of the military beyond Rome. First to emerge was Servius Sulpicius Galba, governor of Hispania Tarraconensis, who had been encouraged to revolt by the praetorians and especially by Nymphidius Sabinus, the corrupt and scheming praetorian prefect at Rome. By this time Otho had been in Spain for close to ten years. His record seems to have been a good one, marked by capable administration and an unwillingness to enrich himself at the expense of the province. At the same time, perhaps seeing this as his best chance to improve his own circumstances, he supported the insurrection as vigorously as possible, even sending Galba all of his gold and his best table servants.[[6]] At the same time, he made it a point to win the favor of every soldier he came in contact with, most notably the members of the praetorian guard who had come to Spain to accompany Galba to Rome. Galba set out from Spain in July, formally assuming the emperorship shortly thereafter. Otho accompanied him on the journey.

Galba had been in Rome little more than two months when on 1 January 69 the troops in Upper Germany refused to declare allegiance to him and instead followed the men stationed in Lower Germany in proclaiming their commander, Aulus Vitellius, as the new ruler. To show that he was still in charge Galba adopted his own successor, Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus, an aristocrat completely without administrative or military experience. The choice meant little to the remote armies, the praetorians or the senate and particularly angered Otho, who had hoped to succeed Galba.[[7]] Otho quickly organized a conspiracy among the praetorians with promise of a material reward, and on 15 January 69 they declared him emperor and publicly killed Galba; Piso, dragged from hiding in the temple of Vesta, was also butchered. On that same evening a powerless senate awarded Otho the imperial titles.

Otho’s Principate in Rome

It is not possible to reconstruct a detailed chronology of Otho’s brief eight and a half weeks as princeps in Rome (15 January-15 March). Even so, Galba’s quick demise had surely impressed upon Otho the need to conciliate various groups. As a result, he continued his indulgence of the praetorian guard but he also tried to win over the senate by following a strict constitutionalist line and by generally keeping the designations for the consulship made by Nero and Galba. In the provinces, despite limited evidence, there are some indications that he tried to compensate for Galba’s stinginess by being more generous with grants of citizenship. In short, Otho was eager not to offend anyone.[[8]]

Problems remained, however. The praetorians had to be continually placated and they were always suspicious of the senate. On the other hand, the senate itself, along with the people, remained deeply disturbed at the manner of Otho’s coming to power and his willingness to be associated with Nero.[[9]] These suspicions and fears were most evident in the praetorian outbreak at Rome. Briefly, Otho had decided to move from Ostia to Rome a cohort of Roman citizens in order to replace some of Rome’s garrison, much of which was to be utilized for the showdown with Vitellius. He ordered that weapons be moved from the praetorian camp in Rome by ship to Ostia at night so that the garrison replacements would be properly armed and made to look as soldierly as possible when they marched into the city. Thinking that a senatorial counter-coup against Otho was underway, the praetorians stormed the imperial palace to confirm the emperor’s safety, with the result that they terrified Otho and his senatorial dinner guests. Although the praetorians‘ fears were eventually calmed and they were given a substantial cash payment, the incident dramatically underscored the unease at Rome in the early months of 69.[[10]]

Otho’s Offensive against Vitellius

Meanwhile, in the Rhineland, preparations for a march on Rome by the military legions that had declared for Vitellius were far advanced. Hampered by poor intelligence gathering in Gaul and Germany and having failed to negotiate a settlement with Vitellius in early 69, Otho finally summoned to Italy his forces for a counterattack against the invading Vitellian army. His support consisted of the four legions of Pannonia and Dalmatia, the three legions of Moesia and his own imperial retinue of about 9,000. Vitellius‘ own troops numbered some 30,000, while those of his two marshals, Aulus Caecina Alienus and Fabius Valens, were between 15,000 and 20,000 each.[[11]]

Otho’s strategy was to make a quick diversionary strike in order to allow time for his own forces to assemble in Italy before engaging the enemy. The strategy worked, as the diversionary army, comprised of urban cohorts, praetorians and marines all from Rome or nearby, was successful in Narbonese Gaul in latter March. An advance guard sent to hold the line on the Po River until the Danubian legions arrived also enjoyed initial success. Otho himself arrived at Bedriacum in northern Italy about 10 April for a strategy session with his commanders. The main concern was that the Vitellians were building a bridge across the Po in order to drive southward towards the Apennines and eventually to Rome. Otho decided to counter by ordering a substantial part of his main force to advance from Bedriacum and establish a new base close enough to the new Vitellian bridge to interrupt its completion. While en route, the Othonian forces, strung out along the via Postumia amid baggage and supply trains, were attacked by Caecina and Valens near Cremona on 14 April. The clash, know as the Battle of Bedriacum, resulted in the defeat of the Othonian forces, their retreat cut off by the river behind them. Otho himself, meanwhile, was not present, but had gone to Brixellum with a considerable force of infantry and cavalry in order to impede any Vitellian units that had managed to cross the Po.

The plan had backfired. Otho’s strategy of obtaining victory while avoiding any major battles had proven too risky. Realizing perhaps that a new round of fighting would have involved not only a significant re-grouping of his existing troops but also a potentially bloody civil war at Rome, if Vitellius‘ troops reached the capital, Otho decided that enough blood had been shed.[[12]] Two weeks shy of his thirty-seventh birthday, on 16 April 69, he took his own life.[[13]]

Assessment

To be sure, Otho remains an enigma – part profligate Neronian wastrel and part conscientious military commander willing to give his life for the good of the state. Our sources are at a loss to explain the paradox. Perhaps, like Petronius, he saw it was safer to appear a profligate in Nero’s court? In the final analysis, Otho proved to be an organized and efficient military commander, who appealed more to the soldier than to the civilian. He also seems to have been a capable governor, with administrative talents that recalled those of his father. Nevertheless, his violent overthrow of Galba, the lingering doubts that it raised about his character, and his unsuccessful offensive against Vitellius are all vivid reminders of the turbulence that plagued the Roman world between the reigns of Nero and Vespasian. Regrettably, the scenario would play itself out one more time before peace and stability returned to the empire.

Bibliography

Bowman, Alan K. et al. The Cambridge Ancient History, X: The Augustan Empire. 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1996).

Braun, Ludwig. „Galba und Otho bei Plutarch und Sueton.“ Hermes 120 (1992): 90-102.

Chilver, G. E. F. A Historical Commentary on Tacitus‘ Histories I and II. (Oxford, 1979).

Nagl, A. „Salvius.“ no. 21 Real-Encyclopëdie IA 2035-2055 (1920).

Greenhalgh, P. A. L. The Year of the Four Emperors. (New York, 1975).

Keitel, E. „Plutarch’s Tragedy Tyrants: Galba and Otho.“ Papers of the Leeds International Latin Seminar 8, Roman Comedy, Augustan Poetry, Historiography, edited by Roger Brock and Anthony J. Woodman. (Leeds, 1995): 275-288.

________. „Otho’s Exhortations in Tacitus’s Histories.“ Greece & Rome 34 (1987): 73-82.

Murison, Charles L. Galba, Otho and Vitellius: Careers and Controversies. (Hildesheim, 1993).

________, editor. Suetonius: Galba, Otho, Vitellius. (London, 1992).

Perkins, Caroline A. „Tacitus on Otho.“ Latomus 52 (1993): 848-855.

Syme, R. Tacitus. (Oxford, 1958).

Townsend, G. B. „Cluvius Rufus in the Histories of Tacitus.“ AJPhil 85 (1964): 337-377.

Wellesley, Kenneth. The Long Year A. D. 69. 2nd. ed. (London, 1989).

Notes

[[1]] The main ancient sources for the life of Otho are: Tac. Hist. 1.50-2.49; Suet. Otho; Plut. Otho; Cassius Dio 64.10-15. In addition, there were major works for this period by Cluvius Rufus, Fabius Rusticus and Pliny the Elder, but they have not survived. For an important discussion, see G. B. Townsend, „Cluvius Rufus in the Histories of Tacitus,“ AJPhil 85 (1964): 337-377.

[[2]] For a family tree of the Sulpicii Galbae, see Charles Murison, editor, Suetonius: Galba, Otho, Vitellius (Bristol, 1992), Appendix A.

[[3]] Suet. Otho 2.1; Plut. Galba 19.4.5; cf. Plin. NH 13.22.

[[4]] Poppaea possessed charm, beauty, fame and wit (Ann. 13.45.2) and was eventually married to Nero, for whom she bore a daughter, Claudia Augusta (PIR2 C 1061); she was pregnant again when Nero reportedly kicked her to death(Ann. 16.6.1; Suet. Ner. 35.3). There are five extant accounts of the Nero-Otho-Poppaea love triangle: Plut. Galba 19.2-20.2; Suet. Otho 3.1-2; Tacitus‘ two versions: Hist. 1.13.3-4; Ann. 13.45-46; and Dio 61.11.2-4. For a useful discussion of this episode and of all the problems of source criticism contained therein, see Charles L. Murison, Galba, Otho and Vitellius: Careers and Controversies (Hildesheim, 1993), 75-80.

[[5]] Plutarch records that Otho’s life was in danger after this episode but that Seneca persuaded Nero to send him to Lusitania. See Galba 19.9-20.1. No other source cites Seneca’s involvement.

[[6]] On gold and table servants, see Plut. Galba 20.3.

[[7]] On Otho’s reaction to Galba’s selection of Piso as his heir, see Tac. Hist. 1.21.1.

[[8]] On Otho’s indulgence towards the praetorians, see Tac. Hist. 1.46.1; on his shameless flattery of them, see Tac. Hist. 1.36, 45-46, 80-85; Plut. Otho 1.2; 3.11-13. On his relationship with the senate, especially appointments to the consulship, see Tac. Hist. 1.77.2 and G. B. Townsend, „Cluvius Rufus in the Histories of Tacitus,“ AJP 83 (1962), 113-124. On Otho’s interactions with the provinces, see Tac. Hist. 1.78.1, where the emperor tries to compensate for Galba’s shortcomings in Spain and Gaul. Significant in this regard was that Galba was also able to maintain the loyalty of the legions in Pannonia, Dalmatia and Moesia.

[[9]] On the praetorians‘ suspicions of the senate, see Tac. Hist. 1.80.2, 82.1; cf. Plut. Otho 3.3-10; on senatorial and popular horror at Otho’s manner of coming to power, see Tac. Hist. 1.50.1. Otho also appropriated funds to finish Nero’s Golden House, the Domus Aurea; see Suet. Otho 7.1. For a fuller description of the property, see Tac. Ann. 15.42-43; Suet. Nero 31.

[[10]] For accounts of the praetorian outbreak at Rome, see Tac. Hist. 1.80-85; Plut. Otho 3.3-13; Suet. Otho 8.1-2; and Dio 64.9.2-3.

[[11]] For a discussion of the size of the forces, see Murison, Careers and Controversies, 85-86.

[[12]] This decision was made despite the fact that Otho seemed to have had an adequate number of troops for a second engagement and that his forces were not demoralized by the defeat. See Suet. Otho 9.3.

[[13]] Otho’s dramatic death is treated in some detail by all of the sources. See: Plut. Otho 15-18; Tac. Hist. 2.46-50; Suet. Otho 9.3-12.2; Dio 64.11-15.

Copyright © 1999, John Donahue. This file may be copied on the condition that the entire contents, including the header and this copyright notice, remain intact.

Updated: 17 August 1999

Unveränd. Zweitpubl. v. John Donahue: Otho (69 A.D.), in: De Imperatoribus Romanis. An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers [17.08.1999], http://www.roman-emperors.org/otho.htm

DE IMPERATORIBUS ROMANIS

An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers

DIR Atlas

Galba (68 – 69 A.D.)

[Additional entry on this emperor’s life is available in DIR Archives]

John Donahue

College of William and Mary

Abb.: http://www.roman-emperors.org/Galba.jpg

Introduction

The evidence for the principate of Galba is unsatisfactory. The sources either concentrate on the personality of the man, thereby failing to offer a balanced account of his policies and a firm chronological base for his actions; or, they focus on the final two weeks of his life at the expense of the earlier part of his reign.[[1]] As a result, a detailed account of his principate is difficult to write. Even so, Galba is noteworthy because he was neither related to nor adopted by his predecessor Nero. Thus, his accession marked the end of the nearly century-long control of the Principate by the Julio-Claudians. Additionally, Galba’s declaration as emperor by his troops abroad set a precedent for the further political upheavals of 68-69. Although these events worked to Galba’s favor initially, they soon came back to haunt him, ending his tumultuous rule after only seven months.

Early Life and Rise to Power

Born 24 December 3 BC in Tarracina, a town on the Appian Way 65 miles south of Rome, Servius Galba was the son of C. Sulpicius Galba and Mummia Achaica.[[2]] Galba’s connection with the noble house of the Servii gave him great prestige and assured his acceptance among the highest levels of Julio-Claudian society. Adopted in his youth by Livia, the mother of the emperor Tiberius, he is said to have owed much of his early advancement to her.[[3]] Upon her death, Livia made Galba her chief legatee, bequeathing him some 50 million sesterces. Tiberius, Livia’s heir, reduced the amount, however, and then never paid it. Galba’s marriage proved to be a further source of disappointment, as he outlived both his wife Lepida and their two sons. Nothing else is known of Galba’s immediate family, other than that he remained a widower for the rest of his life.

Although the details of Galba’s early political career are incomplete, the surviving record is one of an ambitious Roman making his way in the Emperor’s service. Suetonius records that as praetor Galba put on a new kind of exhibition for the people – elephants walking on a rope.[[4]] Later, he served as governor of the province of Aquitania, followed by a six-month term as consul at the beginning of 33.[[5]] Ironically, as consul he was succeeded by Salvius Otho, whose own son would succeed Galba as emperor. Over the years three more governorships followed – Upper Germany (date unknown), North Africa (45) and Hispania Tarraconensis, the largest of Spain’s three provinces (61). He was selected as a proconsul of Africa by the emperor Claudius himself instead of by the usual method of drawing lots. During his two-year tenure in the province he successfully restored internal order and quelled a revolt by the barbarians. As an imperial legate he was a governor in Spain for eight years under Nero, even though he was already in his early sixties when he assumed his duties. The appointment showed that Galba was still considered efficient and loyal.[[6]] In all of these posts Galba generally displayed an enthusiasm for old-fashioned disciplina, a trait consistent with the traditional characterization of the man as a hard-bitten aristocrat of the old Republican type. Such service did not go unnoticed, as he was honored with triumphal insignia and three priesthoods during his career.

On the basis of his ancestry, family tradition and service to the state Galba was the most distinguished Roman alive (with the exception of the houses of the Julii and Claudii) at the time of Nero’s demise in 68. The complex chain of events that would lead him to the Principate later that year began in March with the rebellion of Gaius Iulius Vindex, the governor of Gallia Lugdunensis. Vindex had begun to sound out provincial governors about support for a rebellion perhaps in late 67 or early 68. Galba did not respond but, because of his displeasure with Neronian misgovernment, neither did he inform the emperor of these treasonous solicitations. This, of course, left him dangerously exposed; moreover, he was already aware that Nero, anxious to remove anyone of distinguished birth and noble achievements, had ordered his death.[[7]] Given these circumstances, Galba likely felt that he had no choice but to rebel.

In April, 68, while still in Spain, Galba „went public,“ positioning himself as a vir militaris, a military representative of the senate and people of Rome. For the moment, he refused the title of Emperor, but it is clear that the Principate was his goal. To this end, he organized a concilium of advisors in order to make it known that any decisions were not made by him alone but only after consultation with a group. The arrangement was meant to recall the Augustan Age relationship between the emperor and senate in Rome. Even more revealing of his imperial ambitions were legends like LIBERTAS RESTITUTA (Liberty Restored), ROM RENASC (Rome Reborn) and SALUS GENERIS HUMANI (Salvation of Mankind), preserved on his coinage from the period. Such evidence has brought into question the traditional assessment of Galba as nothing more than an ineffectual representative of a bygone antiquus rigor in favor of a more balanced portrait of a traditional constitutionalist eager to publicize the virtues of an Augustan-style Principate.[[8]]

Events now began to move quickly. In May, 68 Lucius Clodius Macer, legate of the III legio Augusta in Africa, revolted from Nero and cut off the grain supply to Rome. Choosing not to recognize Galba, he called himself propraetor, issued his own coinage, and raised a new legion, the I Macriana liberatrix. Galba later had him executed. At the same time, 68 Lucius Verginius Rufus, legionary commander in Upper Germany, led a combined force of soldiers from Upper and Lower Germany in defeating Vindex at Vesontio in Gallia Lugdunensis. Verginius refused to accept a call to the emperorship by his own troops and by those from the Danube, however, thereby creating at Rome an opportunity for Galba’s agents to win over Gaius Nymphidius Sabinus, the corrupt praetorian prefect since 65. Sabinus was able to turn the imperial guard against Nero on the promise that they would be rewarded financially by Galba upon his arrival. That was the end for Nero. Deposed by the senate and abandoned by his supporters, he committed suicide in June. At this point, encouraged to march on Rome by the praetorians and especially by Sabinus, who had his own designs on the throne, Galba hurriedly established broad-based political and financial support and assembled his own legion (subsequently known as the legio VII Gemina).[[9]] As he departed from Spain, he abandoned the title of governor in favor of „Caesar,“ apparently in an attempt to lay claim to the entire inheritance of the Julio-Claudian house. Even so, he continued to proceed cautiously, and did not actually adopt the name of Caesar (and with it the emperorship) until sometime after he had left Spain.[[10]]

The Principate of Galba

Meanwhile, Rome was anything but serene. An unusual force of soldiers, many of whom had been mustered by Nero to crush the attempt of Vindex, remained idle and restless. In addition, there was the matter concerning Nymphidius Sabinus. Intent on being the power behind the throne, Nymphidius had orchestrated a demand from the praetorians that Galba appoint him sole praetorian prefect for life. The senate capitulated to his pretensions and he began to have designs on the throne himself. In an attempt to rattle Galba, Nymphidius then sent messages of alarm to the emperor telling of unrest in both the city and abroad. When Galba ignored these reports, Nymphidius decided to launch a coup by presenting himself to the praetorians. The plan misfired, and the praetorians killed him when he appeared at their camp. Upon learning of the incident, Galba ordered the executions of Nymphidius‘ followers.[[11]] To make matters worse, Galba’s arrival was preceded by a confrontation with a boisterous band of soldiers who had been formed into a legion by Nero and were now demanding legionary standards and regular quarters. When they persisted, Galba’s forces attacked, with the result that many of them were killed.[[12]]

Thus it was amid carnage and fear that Galba arrived at the capital in October, 68, accompanied by Otho, the governor of Lusitania, who had joined the cause. Once Galba was within Rome, miscalculations and missteps seemed to multiply. First, he relied upon the advice of a corrupt circle of advisors, most notably: Titus Vinius, a general from Spain; Cornelius Laco, praetorian prefect; and his own freedman, Icelus. Second, he zealously attempted to recover some of Nero’s more excessive expenditures by seizing the property of many citizens, a measure that seems to have gone too far and to have caused real hardship and resentment. Third, he created further ill-will by disbanding the imperial corps of German bodyguards, effectively abolishing a tradition that originated with Marius and had been endorsed by Augustus. Finally, he seriously alienated the military by refusing cash rewards for both the praetorians and for the soldiers in Upper Germany who had fought against Vindex.

This last act proved to be the beginning of the end for Galba. On 1 January 69 the troops in Upper Germany refused to declare allegiance to him and instead followed the men stationed in Lower Germany in proclaiming their commander, Aulus Vitellius, as the new ruler. In response, Galba adopted Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus to show that he was still in charge and that his successor would not be chosen for him. Piso, although an aristocrat, was a man completely without administrative or military experience.[[13]] The choice meant little to the remote armies, the praetorians or the senate, and it especially angered Otho, who had hoped to succeed Galba. Otho quickly organized a conspiracy among the praetorians with the now-familiar promise of a material reward, and on 15 January 69 they declared him emperor and publicly killed Galba; Piso, dragged from hiding in the temple of Vesta, was also butchered.

Assessment

In sum, Galba had displayed talent and ambition during his lengthy career. He enjoyed distinguished ancestry, moved easily among the Julio-Claudian emperors (with the exception of Nero towards the end of his principate), and had been awarded the highest military and religious honors of ancient Rome. His qualifications for the principate cannot be questioned. Even so, history has been unkind to him. Tacitus characterized Galba as „weak and old,“ a man „equal to the imperial office, if he had never held it.“ Modern historians of the Roman world have been no less critical.[[14]] To be sure, Galba’s greatest mistake lay in his general handling of the military. His treatment of the army in Upper Germany was heedless, his policy towards the praetorians short sighted. Given the climate in 68-69, Galba was unrealistic in expecting disciplina without paying the promised rewards. He was also guilty of relying on poor advisors, who shielded him from reality and ultimately allowed Otho’s conspiracy to succeed. Additionally, the excessive power of his henchmen brought the regime into disfavor and made Galba himself the principal target of the hatred that his aides had incited. Finally, the appointment of Piso, a young man in no way equal to the challenges placed before him, further underscored the emperor’s isolation and lack of judgment. In the end, the instability of the post-Julio-Claudian political landscape offered challenges more formidable than a tired, septuagenarian aristocrat could hope to overcome. Ironically, his regime proved no more successful than the Neronian government he was so eager to replace. Another year of bloodshed would be necessary before the Principate could once again stand firm.

Bibliography

The works listed below are main treatments of Galba or have a direct bearing on issues discussed in the entry above.

Benediktson, Dale T. „Structure and Fate in Suetonius‘ Life of Galba.“ CJ 92 (1996-97): 167-172.

Bowman, Alan K. et al. The Cambridge Ancient History, X: The Augustan Empire. 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1996).

Brunt, P. A. „The Revolt of Vindex and the Fall of Nero.“ Latomus 18 (1959): 531-559.

Chilver, G. E. F. A Historical Commentary on Tacitus‘ Histories I and II. (Oxford, 1979).

Fluss, M. „Sulpicius (Galba).“ Real-Encyclopädie IVA2.772-801 (1932).

Greenhalgh, P. A. L. The Year of the Four Emperors. (New York, 1975).

Haley, E. W. „Clunia, Galba and the Events of 68-69.“ ZPE 91 (1992): 159-164.

Keitel, E. „Plutarch’s Tragedy Tyrants: Galba and Otho.“ Papers of the Leeds International Latin Seminar 8, Roman Comedy, Augustan Poetry, Historiography. edited by Roger Brock and Anthony J. Woodman. (Leeds, 1995): 275-288.

Kleiner, Fred S. „The Arch of Galba at Tarragona and Dynastic Portraiture on Roman Arches.“ MDAI(M) 30 (1989): 239-252.

________. „Galba and the Sullan Capitolium.“ AJN 1 (1989): 71-77.

________. „Galba Imperator Augustus P(opuli) R(omani).“ RN 32 (1990): 72-84.

Murison, Charles L. Galba, Otho and Vitellius: Careers and Controversies. (Hildesheim, 1993).

________. Suetonius: Galba, Otho, Vitellius. (London, 1992).

Nawotka, Krzysztof. „Imperial Virtues of Galba in the Histories of Tacitus.“ Philologus 137 (1993): 258-264.

Sutherland, C. H. V. Roman Imperial Coinage, vol 1. (London, 1984).

Syme, R. „Partisans of Galba.“ Historia 31 (1982): 460-483.

________. Tacitus. (Oxford, 1958).

Townsend, G. B. „Cluvius Rufus in the Histories of Tacitus,“ AJPhil 85 (1964): 337-377.

Wellesley, Kenneth. The Long Year A. D. 69. 2nd. ed. (London, 1989).

Zimmerman, M. „Die restitutio honorum Galbas.“ Historia 44 (1995): 56-82.
 

Notes

[[1]] The main ancient sources for Galba’s life are: Suet. Galba; Tac. Hist. 1.1-49; Plut. Galba; Dio 63.22-64.7. In addition, there were major works for this period by Cluvius Rufus, Fabius Rusticus and Pliny the Elder, but they have not survived. For an important discussion, see G. B. Townsend, „Cluvius Rufus in the Histories of Tacitus,“ AJPhil 85 (1964): 337-377.

[[2]] Galba’s birthdate is impossible to determine. Suetonius give it as 24 December, 3 B.C. (Galba 4.1), yet in the final chapter of Galba’s Life, he presupposes 5 B.C. as the date (Galba 23). Dio (64.6.52), taken with Tacitus‘ evidence (Hist. 1.27.1), also gives his birthdate as 5 B.C. The evidence given here is preferable, since Suetonius provides the information precisely and is concerned with Galba’s actual birthdate, not the length of his life or his reign.

[[3]] Suet. Galba 4. This must be a testamentary adoption, since a woman in classical law was not allowed to adopt during her lifetime. See the commentary of Charles L. Murison, editor, Suetonius: Galba, Otho, Vitellius (London, 1991), 33.

[[4]] Suetonius‘ claim that Galba was the first to offer an exhibition of rope-walking elephants has been refuted. See J. M. C. Toynbee, Animals in Roman Life and Art (London, 1973), 48-49, 352 nn. 103-110. See also H. H. Scullard, The Elephant in the Greek and Roman World (London, 1974), 250-259.

[[5]] This governorship is slightly unconventional, since most nobiles in this period usually governed senatorial provinces as praetorian proconsuls, not important imperial provinces like Aquitania. Galba was perhaps being groomed for a career as a vir militaris. Regarding the consulship, there may have been a delay at some point in Galba’s accession to the office. For a more complete discussion on this point, see Charles L. Murison, Galba, Otho and Vitellius: Careers and Controversies (Hildesheim, 1993), 35-36.

[[6]] On Galba’s behavior in Spain, see Suet. Galba 9 and Murison, Careers and Controversies, 37-38. Galba’s eight-year term, although lengthy, was not unprecedented. The time spent by an imperial legate as a provincial governor was entirely at the discretion of the emperor.

[[7]] On Nero’s order for Galba’s death, see Suet. Galba 9.2.

[[8]] On Galba’s coinage, see C. H. V. Sutherland, Roman Imperial Coinage I.2, (London, 1984), 197-215, 216-257. On Galba as a strict constitutionalist in the Augustan mold, see Murison, Careers and Controversies, 31-44.

[[9]] To obtain the necessary financing Galba confiscated and sold all of Nero’s property in Spain (Plut. Galba 5.6) and received a large amount of gold and silver from Otho (Plut. Galba 20.3). He also seems to have demanded contributions from communities in Spain and Gaul. See Tac. Hist. 1.8.1 and 1.53.3.

[[10]] On the chronology of Galba’s journey from Spain to Rome, see Murison, Careers and Controversies, 27-30. On events at Rome, see K. Wellesley, The Long Year A.D. 69. 2nd ed. (Bristol, 1989), 15-30.

[[11]] For the most complete account of the Nymphidius affair, see Plut. Galba 2; 8-9; 13-15.

[[12]] Tac. Hist. 1.6.2; Plut. Galba 15; Dio 64.3.1-2. See also Murison, Careers and Controversies, 63-64.

[[13]] Piso Licinianus was the son of M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, consul in 27, and of Scribonia, a direct descendant of Pompey the Great. He was only about eight years old when his parents and eldest brother were executed as part of the senatorial opposition to the later Julio-Claudians. Tacitus records that he was diu exul (Hist. 1.48.1; cf. Hist. 1.21.1; 1.38.1), which would explain his lack of experience.

[[14]] Tac. Hist. 1.6.1; 1.49. R. Syme, „Partisans of Galba,“ Historia 31 (1982): 460-483. See also K. Nawotka, „Imperial Virtues of Galba in the Histories of Tacitus.“ Philologus 137 (1993): 258-264.

Copyright © 1999, John Donahue. This file may be copied on the condition that the entire contents, including the header and this copyright notice, remain intact.

Comments to: John Donahue.

Updated:7 August 1999

Unveränd. Zweitpubl. v. John Donahue: Galba (68 – 69 A.D.), in: De Imperatoribus Romanis. An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Rulers [07.08.1999], http://www.roman-emperors.org/galba.htm